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1. AwakeningthePeople Awakening the People A collection of articles, statements and speeches 1966 – 1969 By ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO Reproduced by Sani Panhwar Member Sindh…
  • 1. AwakeningthePeople Awakening the People A collection of articles, statements and speeches 1966 – 1969 By ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO Reproduced by Sani Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP
  • 2. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 2 INTRODUCTION When Zulfikar Ali Bhutto left the Government, milling crowds turned out to receive him at Lahore and Karachi. It was an amazing spectacle. With his departure, the people's last hope of the Government vindicating national honor, seemed to have vanished. Bhutto had become a symbol of the nation's urge to regain the pride which Ayub had frittered away at Tashkent in an unequal treaty. The disillusionment of the people who had stood in brave and magnificent defiance of a much stronger enemy only months before, was suddenly complete with Bhutto's exit from a Government which no longer represented the national will, nor seemed to have the strength or ability to defend Pakistan's territorial integrity and ideological identity. For Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, it was the beginning of a long and arduous struggle which would ultimately lead to the overthrow of a blind and isolated dictator who had imposed his arbitrary will upon the will of the people against all democratic norms and in violation of the national interest. The people of Pakistan, now leaderless and bitter with humiliation, looked for support and guidance. Only Bhutto could give it. History had chosen him for a unique role. He was to fulfil that role against heavy odds. Everything was against him: the brute authority of a repressive Government, the industrial oligarchy, the landed aristocracy and the colonial-style bureaucracy. But he had the people with him. This he knew and this is what gave him strength. It was not to be an easy road. Many have wondered why Bhutto succeeded in spearheading successfully the movement against Ayub, while the older and more experienced politicians failed. He succeeded because, unlike them, he could understand the poetry and the music of the people's struggle. He succeeded because he did not confine himself to the plush comfort of his
  • 3. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 3 drawing room, merely content with issuing high-sounding statements to the press. He came out, into the open, into the streets. He seized the time. He seized the moment. The people were ready for revolution. He led them into that revolution. He was sensitive to the people and he spoke their idiom. He articulated their aspirations. He showed them the light at the end of the tunnel. He saw the rainbow in the sky and the stars in the firmament. This was Bhutto’s magic. This was Bhutto's charisma. This was Bhutto's appeal. That is why he succeeded where others failed. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto knew that what the people of Pakistan needed was a new party, a party with a programme, a party with a manifesto, a party with truth in its heart and defiance in its spirit, a party of revolution and change. Too long the people had been betrayed; too long they had suffered in silence: too long they had been told to respect the abominable status quo. The day of the common man had at last arrived and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had been the first to see the splendid signs of this new and beautiful dawn where others only saw inky darkness. The Pakistan People's Party was formed at a convention attended by people whom nobody knew in the isolated corridors of power. The establishment press made fun of the new party. One of Ayub's Governors ridiculed Bhutto for addressing gatherings at which nobody came except tongawalas, rickshaw drivers, ordinary workmen and landless peasants. Little did he or his master know that these simple people the salt of the earth, would soon shatter the seemingly impregnable citadel of power whose inhabitants had lost all touch with the masses, all contact with reality. Bhutto then started to go round the country. He went to small villages, where nobody had gone before. He went to sleepy little towns which had never figured in any Minister's tour itinerary. He went to the slums of the great big cities that the self-proclaimed leaders had never gone to. He went to the students, the
  • 4. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 4 workers, the peasants and spoke to them, while those who had written him off as a nine-day wonder, a mere aberration, an inconvenience, a schoolboy fad, held forth in seminars attended by purchased intellectuals in air-conditioned auditoriums. Bhutto went to the people, the lowly and the poor and they threw their arms around him. He was one of them. He understood their agony and heart-break, their disillusionment. He understood why life had passed them by. He understood their fears and uncertainties in a harsh world where all the fruits of prosperity lay denied to them. He understood their helplessness and their alienation. He spoke to them and they understood what he was saying. They knew then that he would deliver them from dictatorship and bring sunshine into their lives. He spoke to them of exploitation and injustice. He told them how they had been used for two decades so that 20 families should prosper while the sweat never dried from their weary brows and their stomachs remained empty despite grueling labor. He told them why their children could not go to school, their sick to hospitals and why wedding bells could not ring for their daughters in the city of lights, the lights of the rich. He demolished the sickeningly repetitive claims that Ayub's henchmen made from morning till night of the great progress the country had made. While they spoke of growth rates and what some Harvard economist had said about Pakistan's amazing development performance, Bhutto told them the truth. He told them and they understood that it was not the divine will that they should live in everlasting poverty while the whole world prospered. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had to fight and defeat many shibboleths. He fought against those who called him an infidel, an excommunicate because he had spoken of justice, of equality, of socialism. He denounced those hired religious leaders and obscurantist fanatics who proclaimed that Islamic socialism meant the death of Islam. And while they kept on trying to destroy Bhutto and his revolution, Bhutto was moving forward defiantly and the people were behind him. They tried everything. There were assassination attempts and false police cases, there was persecution of his friends and family, there was imprisonment. Bhutto
  • 5. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 5 took it all in his stride and the people followed him. He was the leader and only the iniquitous coterie of a defunct power machine was unaware of it. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's rise was spectacular. Till the eve of the 1970 elections which he was to sweep in West Pakistan, he was being credited by his enemies with nothing more than a handful of chance seats. He was to prove them wrong. The -verdict he received was so clear and overwhelming that it dazed his enemies, the people's enemies. But this was not the end of the struggle. The dark forces of reaction and conspiracy regrouped them-selves and tried to block and defeat the people's mandate. Bhutto warned them against the writing on the wall, against the impending disaster, but their eyes were blind and their hearts were flint. The tragic events that were to lead to the breakup of Pakistan are now a matter of history, as are the causes. This volume of the book covers the last thirty months of Ayub regime, a fateful period in Pakistan's history. You can see here Bhutto the crusader, the revolutionary, the people's fearless leader who liberated the country from the dark night of oppression. You can hear in these pages the thunder of his voice. You can feel, even in cold print, the white heat of his convictions and struggle. You can see the iron in his soul, and hear the song in his heart and the splendid music of his great commitment. Perhaps some of the speeches may be found repetitive but it must be understood that the message Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was to carry from town to town and village to village was basic and fundamental. It could bear repetition. It was a message that had to be taken to the people wherever they were, carried with the same fire, the same intensity. The message was revolution — and there is no substitute for revolution, either the word or the concept.
  • 6. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 6 Address to All Pakistan Students Federation Conway Hall, London, August 13, 1966 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I am not supposed to be in good health. But I can assure you no matter how poor my health, it is sufficient for India. I am really delighted and honored to meet you. I say I am honored to meet you because I was advised that it would not be a good thing for me to meet and address Pakistanis in England. I thought about it. I gave it some thought because the advice came from some good friends and I have not spoken since I left the Cabinet. I have not spoken in the country for good reason and I don't think that I would like to speak here, also for good reason, on internal matters. I would not like to refer to any question or matter relating to our internal conditions which in legal parlance, I call, within the domestic jurisdiction of the stale, for a number of reasons. And I think you can understand them. One is that, as the President himself has repeatedly said in the recent past, Pakistan is going through a difficult period. And undoubtedly, if you look at the objective conditions, we are going through a difficult period. It is a challenge which we have to face and meet like any other country in Africa and Asia. Some of these factors are inherent in the objective realities which face newly emergent countries in Asia and Africa. Some of them are essentially peculiar to Pakistan. So that's one good reason, why I would not like to touch upon internal conditions. The other good reason is that I would not like to speak on internal matters in a foreign land and especially in a country which has ruled us for two hundred years. It could be derogatory to the sovereignty and independence of Pakistan for me to speak on its internal conditions in Great Britain. There is one more good reason why I would not like to speak on internal matters. You are all enlightened people; you all have taken interest in the affairs of the country. I know, I have been a student like you. I have been to Gibson and Weldon also. And I am aware of the problems that face you and how deeply you
  • 7. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 7 are involved in the country's future and the country's interest, and you come to your own conclusions. It is not necessary for me to call a spade a spade and to talk on matters, to which, I am sure, you have given very deep and profound thought. So taking all these things into account I hope you will forgive me, if you are expecting me to talk on the Tashkent spirit or any other intoxication, if I don't speak on such subjects. But I would like to talk generally on international relations because I have dealt with that subject for a number of years; and I have been personally and directly involved in the evolution of the foreign policy of Pakistan. Of course, I was only an instrument in the execution of Pakistan's foreign policy and only an agent according to the constitution and even otherwise. So, I don't take any credit for having rendered any contribution to my country. But I think it is a truism that anyone who is responsible, anyone who is in government, anyone who has a responsibility, should make a contribution to his country. And from that point of view, I would not say I am being immodest or I am violating the constitution or any sanctity if I say it gave me great honour and great satisfaction to represent a hundred million people the like of whom I have never seen anywhere in the world. I was wondering whether I should write a speech or speak from notes. I thought about it, I wondered, and I said that if I was addressing some people in Larkana which is my home town, I perhaps would jot down a few points; but you people are too sophisticated for me. And I thought that it would be much better if I spoke off the cuff and shared our thoughts and got into a communication between ourselves, rather than to jot down points to speak on any specific subject. And if I were to ramble and meander in this manner, I would like to say that the thing that struck me since I left Government is that the foreign press of Western countries has labeled me pro-Peking and pro-Chinese. As I said in Cairo, where I was a guest of the UAR Government because Gamal Abdel Nasser very kindly invited me to stay there, to an Indian
  • 8. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 8 correspondent who had come to see me, "I am a Pakistani, that's all I am. I believe in my country's interests and in safeguarding the sovereignty and independence of Pakistan." Millions of lives were lost for the creation of Pakistan. Pakistan is a great ideal. I was a student when the whole concept of Pakistan emerged and to me Pakistan was the handsomest offspring of self-determination. And Pakistan will always remain. Pakistan has a role to play in Asia and Africa, in the world. It is the voice of a hundred million people articulated on the purity of an ideal. And there is nothing more important than an ideal. Now this may be unrealistic; this may not be pragmatic; this may not be down to earth. But everything is not achieved by being down to earth. I do not know this phrase "down to earth" is an Anglo-Saxon expression. But nonetheless "down to earth" is a concept which I do not fully understand, because there is nothing stronger than the force of an ideal—the first of principles. And that is why although India is much larger than us, in geography, in resources, in military hardware, in every sense. I am of the firm conviction that we are bound to prevail. We are bound to prevail because we have espoused a great and honourable cause. One day I was told that the Indian army is three times the size of Pakistan's. Now it is supposed to have become four times the size of Pakistan's. And I gave a non-military answer. "That means", I said, "our soldiers will have to shoot three times more—that's all." And now they are threatening us with the atom bomb. Well after all, science and technology are everyone's right. Man goes to the moon. Progress and scientific technology cannot be restricted. If India has the bomb, that does not mean that we are going to be subjected to nuclear blackmail, because the question here is not of arms, against having less arms: the question here is of right against wrong. Therefore, I am not concerned if India's military strength is augmented, because Pakistan stands for a right cause, a just cause, and a right and just
  • 9. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 9 cause must prevail. This is the history of the world. You go back to Rome. There was Spartacus against Rome: Carthage against Rome. Weak empires have dwindled. The British empire is gone. The French empire is gone. The oppressed must be the victors over the oppressors. It is OUR position that the five million people of Kashmir are the oppressed. And by standing by them, by upholding the right of self-determination of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, we have not to consider in any way, the size, the resources or the support that India gets from any quarter, because we must prevail. The hundred million people must continue to struggle. And this struggle must continue until it has been fulfilled. It is only a question of stamina. It is not a question of resources. It is not a question of might. It is a question of stamina and will. You must have the will to continue the struggle. And the people of Pakistan I hope, will have the massive will to continue to uphold the cause of the people of Jammu and Kashmir because here they are supporting an ideal; supporting the very basis of Pakistan. Sometimes now, it is said, I know from what quarters and from where, that Kashmir is an old problem. After all, there are insoluble problems, there are insoluble disputes like Berlin. And this is another insoluble problem. That's one argument that is used. The other argument that is used, also from interested and special quarters is: Why should fifty-five million people of East Pakistan make sacrifices for the five million people of Kashmir? Why not let economic development take place? After all, economic development is more important; and we have lived with this problem. We can live with it for the future. It is not that at all. These arguments refute the will of the people of a country. We should take a direct lesson from Vietnam. The struggle in Vietnam has a great bearing on the future of the world, particularly on Asia and the subcontinent. The Vietnam Government does not use phrases like "an equitable solution" or "meaningful discussions." They say, "Get out and then talk". We ask for self-determination for the people of Jammu and Kashmir and nothing else. I must tell you that at the time of partition, we lost Gurdaspur: we
  • 10. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 10 lost areas in East Pakistan, certain regions of Assam and Tripura and we rationalised. After all, we argued, if you get an independent country, it is more important to hold on to it than to seek instant justice. This is in the process of upheaval, in the process of revolution. And, therefore, we had to accept the position and on that account we rationalised on other matters. But if you keep rationalising, there will be a gradual territorial attrition of Pakistan. If today you take the argument that the five million people of Jammu and Kashmir should not be sacrificed for the fifty-five million people of East Pakistan, that will lead to our undoing. Let us lake that to its logical conclusion. It sounds all right if you believe in the status quo if you are belying facts: if you want to just sit on your back: if you don't want to be a part of the music of change, of metamorphosis, then, of course, you can logically argue that way. But let us take it to its logical conclusion and I am not saying something new, I have said this before, if this argument is taken to its logical conclusion, that means it is all right to leave the five million people of Jammu and Kashmir and say that they are not worth the sacrifice of fifty-five million people of East Pakistan and the fifty million people of West Pakistan. But does the problem end there? The problem does not end there. When India having whetted its appetite, starts something in the Rann of Kutch, then you can argue with equal validity: "The peoples of Karachi and Sind, being so many in number are not worth the 80 million people of Pakistan. So why not give up Sind and Karachi?" Then they will say, "Well, Afghanistan has some claim. Then the thirty lakh people or forty lakh people of that region should go because a hundred million people cannot sacrifice them-selves for three hundred thousand. So why not give up your territorial claim there?"' Then comes Baluchistan and they say, "Well, all right, after all, these are only seven million people and what the hell! It is only rocks and stone. Give up Baluchistan." It is an argument, therefore, which is used by some superficial quarters and some vested interests. We must realise that the struggle for Kashmir is not
  • 11. Awakening The People; Copyright © 2006 11 something which is
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