Bhutto the man and the martyr

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1. BHUTTOTHEMAADTHEMARTYR BHUTTO THE MA A D THE MARTYR SAYID GHULAM MUSTAFA SHAH Reproduced in pdf form by Sani H. Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP 2. Bhutto the man and…
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  • 1. BHUTTOTHEMAADTHEMARTYR BHUTTO THE MA A D THE MARTYR SAYID GHULAM MUSTAFA SHAH Reproduced in pdf form by Sani H. Panhwar Member Sindh Council PPP
  • 2. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 2 INTRODUCTION This book is not exactly a biography of Zulfikar Ali Khan Bhutto indeed a phenomenon in Pakistan’s history, life and politics. It is an evaluation of a well- educated, erudite, courageous, colourful, loquacious, versatile, ebullient, indefatigable man, and above all, the only martyr in Pakistan for Pakistan. In the assessment of his life and work I have suggested and pointed out his virtues but I have not glossed over his weaknesses. He may have committed sins, misdemeanors and shown dexterity of a politician, but indeed like all men of his nature, talents and training, he was on the way to full statesmanship. He was and remained even in his death a shining star in Pakistan’s firmament. His was a loss for generations to come. His luminosity was dimmed by devilish intrigues, and when extinguished, Pakistan reverted to darkness, aimlessness, confusion and obfuscation of every kind. Man is born to die; but Bhutto had the distinction of real celestial death. He was a hero who was made a martyr, and he remains a hero in Pakistan’s political history. The age at which he died makes the tragedy poignant and puissant. He had inherited a defeated, disgraced, dubious and decapitated Pakistan. But for him, the remnant would not have existed and survived. He was hanged by those, who should have been the most grateful to him, but gratitude is not a virtue of the Punjab’s generals and dictators. Bhutto’s death had again put Pakistan on an erratic trajectory. Pakistan had still to spin politically and pass some harsh and horrendous moments of realism. Pakistan was still left a land of intrigue, conspiracy and hypocrisy, sweat, tears and blood. This book is not a chronology of events or the annals of Bhutto’s times. It is a socio-political assessment of his place and leadership in a deranged and unbalanced society. I have presented him in the perspective of the circumstances and the personalities of his time. I do not think intellectually or in bold intimacy any one knew him so well as I did. Probably over the years from 1953 we had come to know each other, respect each other and depend upon each other. We had sometimes great and undisputable differences, but with all that he valued my advice, and anytime he sought any abstract discussion in the theory and on any principles of governance he would immediately summon me to his side. I had no axe to grind, and he knew that I will not dilute my intellectual integrity and let down on ideological principles. I had a long and intimate socio- educational background and I had developed acquaintance and acquired knowledge about and intimacy with all those who had mattered in Pakistan from its inception. I knew equally well those in Government or in the opposition right from 1943.
  • 3. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 3 I was not a politician and my discussions and my conversations with him always took place when we both were alone and no one listened or participated in what we debated. To that extent he was generous throughout the years I knew him—in youth, in power, in decline, and fall. Bhutto with the passage of time, from the days of his induction to government office in October 1958, had set himself the task to see, to know, to analyze and digest and form opinion and draw up programme for years ahead. He was a marvelous store house of information on Pakistan—literally an encyclopedia. I have portrayed and delineated events, episodes and personalities in the nature and circumstances of Bhutto’s times both in Pakistan and abroad —this writing is a combination of reality and abstract approach—Bhutto was a marvelous combination of both. This writing is not an encomium or a denigration. It is not written to praise or to please anybody. It is no make belief or a myth. I was not a disciple or Political supporter of Bhutto, but I valued his talents, youth and approach with a realistic, sociologist’s and historian’s assessment of a man who could have given so much to Pakistan, but was cut short in the exuberance of his life. What will be, will be. Bhutto’s life was a marvelous amalgam and lesson in the mysteries of fate and mystifications of nature. Whatever it be his deposition and hanging were a symbol and demonstration of the malaise in the society of Pakistan, and a commentary on the tragedy of Pakistan. They wanted to solve the problems of Pakistan by hanging him. What fools lacking history, lacking vision, lacking memories, lacking moral commitments, lacking sense of nationhood, lacking faith, lacking unity, lacking discipline, lacking all conviction in the secret working of nature —a self centered, dirty, intriguing and grabbing lot -a-disgrace to Pakistan. Pakistan had only two and half leaders— Quaid-e-Azam, Bhutto and his daughter—Iqbal was an invented one. The rest of them all riff raff or dullards from every corner of India— the scum of the earth and the curse of God. Bhutto’s advent as a democratic and popular leader appeared to be an instance of ancient history, a phenomenon from some apostolic lore - the appearance of Moses and Joseph nurtured and matured in the homes and palaces of the Pharoalis or Younis coming out from the belly of the whale. Bhutto was a product of one martial law; he survived the second but was deposed by the third. For Pakistan he was a whiff of fresh air in between the cruel regimes, before and after him. What sort of erratic and eccentric country we were! Had God a design in its creation and disintegration a rude lesson to Muslims. Did the poor and innocent people of Pakistan deserve all this? They must not speak and
  • 4. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 4 think they must not hold their head high, perhaps they must be taught that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty, and that liberty lies in living by the laws you have yourself made. Muslims in general and Pakistanis in particular must wash the sins and crimes of militaristic, feudalistic and plutocratic regimes. Bhutto’s was a brief passage of bracing and salubrious breeze, and thereafter the holocaust and hell fire again. Acknowledgedly Bhutto was perhaps one of the most written about leaders, politicians and personalities of Pakistan, perhaps of the world, peradventure so was his daughter. His daughter proved to be a very courageous woman with all the oppression and persecutions she had to face. It appears in the politics of Pakistan, both the father and the daughter were victims of their principles and virtues - crusaders for democracy and rights of the peoples. Bhutto of course was a leader of the Muslim World, an original mind and an international personality, meeting all the requirements of universal acceptability as a statesman, as defined by thinkers in all ages and historians of civilization. Representation, popular acceptance, intellect and erudition are the universally accepted criteria, principles and sine qua non of statesmanship. Bhutto certainly met all the conditions of these definitions. He would have done credit to Pakistan and won laurels for it more than the generals could ever think of, if he had not been cut short in the prime of his life and growth as a statesman. He had the courage to fight for the right causes and he certainly went fighting to the gallows. Perhaps next to Attaturk, Bhutto was the only Muslim leader who was most written about. He had forged bonds in the Muslim World and the Third world and given place of honour to Pakistan, which no other leader of the developing world could conceive and achieve. Bhutto had secured a place of confidence and dependence in the Muslim world and in the world at large. He had gained recognition in status for Pakistan which no ruler of Pakistan in civilian clothes or in uniform had the intellectual and moral strength to stand up and secure. Pakistan historically has been destitute of men of calibre. It was mainly ruled by the under-educated and if fitted men, mediocre and mean and moneyed men least qualified to govern nations who could not rise even a few inches from the ground. After Quaid-e-Azam till today, except for Suharwardy whom we poisoned, we have had, except for Bhutto and his daughter, only mice, midgets, mediocrities and immoral men of whom we were most ashamed - bureaucrats, military-men, plutocrats and rascals, who could only bring the nation nothing but disgrace. In the 20th century, and especially after the last Great War II, and more so after the collapse of erstwhile Soviet Union, there is nothing but pure representative parliamentary democracy which can secure us national peace,
  • 5. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 5 harmony and prosperity. Pakistan was a country of great sociological variety, distinctions, history and traditions. It had to live and work as a pluralistic state and a loose union of peoples or collapse. Adventurism of every nature in the world today is obsolete and anachronistic, and any recourse to it would more certainly mean nothing but frustration, failure and national chaos and disintegration. Will those who are fiddling with Pakistan’s polity will ever learn any lessons from history— more particularly our own! The meaning, the timing, the circumstances, and the nature of the death of Bhutto was cruel, and brutal, contrived, hypocritically and dexterously, after a farcical, ludicrous and shameful trial. His death so foolishly contrived, revived and refreshed at every turn of events since his death, his name and his memory. Bhutto can’t be killed he had left indelible impression of self-respect and freedom on the hearts and minds of men. It is said martyrs never die, and what other proof do we need when we see and mark every successor of Bhutto unsuccessfully engaged in killing him. Bhutto even today generates hallucinations, nightmares and day-fears in those who killed him. Murder always pursues its perpetrators. All government decisions are taken with a view to killing him, but he appears to pop up after every assault and stratagem of his oppressors and adversaries. It is nearly fifteen years and his name continues to give creeps to those who connived at his death or killed him. There is potency in the laws of nature which conspirators, hot-heads and numskulls cannot comprehend and refuse to countenance. Civilization lies in the civility of man; and he can be best governed with sympathy goodwill and understanding. Let Pakistan get out from the feudalistic and oligarchical ideas of the middle ages, and live a life of reality and sympathy, and principles of representative democracy and popular sovereignty and socio-political recognition - imperatives so obvious of the 20th century. Let us enter the 21st century with hope and harmony. Karachi. 1st February 1993 Sayid Ghulam Mustafa Shah
  • 6. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 6 I AQUAINTANCE AND REMINISCENCES The year was 1953. It was in the late afternoon of the day in the winter of that year, that Hassanally Abdul Rehman the Principal of Sindh Muslim Law College phoned me to say that a young lecturer by the name of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who had joined him a few weeks ago, wanted to come and see me. I had heard about the young man a great deal from my own students, who were his close friends. We had our Commerce Section of Sindh Muslim College in the afternoon and we were just across the road from Sindh Muslim Law College. I had not seen the young man, but his father I had seen a few times, when I was very young, in the company of my grand father, who was then the President of Sindh Zamindar Association. I had heard about him from G. M. Sayed who spoke highly of him. His father Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto was one of the biggest Zamindars of Sindh, and a favorite of the British Government, and this proximity of the British had incidentally cost him a great deal, especially when he lost his election in the first Provincial Assembly of Sindh in 1936. Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto had lost against an impecunious politician, but a man who was a great scholar, a journalist and a convert to Islam from Hinduism at the young age of eighteen - Shaikh Abdul Majeed Sindhi. The rival of Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto in Larkana constituency was an orator, a political worker and a thinker and a writer who had tremendous socio-political background. He was incarcerated by the British a dozen times from 1919. This man was a household word in Sindh. He wore handspun cloth, had led in the Khilafat movement, and in Sindh he was a nuisance and an eyesore for the British. He was editor of Al- Waheed, a Sindhi Daily paper, which had the longest serve in the field of Muslim journalism and politics in Sindh, and the biggest share in the struggle for the separation of Sindh from Bombay presidency and struggle for Pakistan in Sindh. Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto lost on account of his British knighthood, and Shaikh Abdul Majeed won in a constituency which Sir Shah Nawaz called “his lion’s den”. Sir Shah Nawaz squandered his money in the election on the voters, but the voters got money from him and voted for the opponent. Elder Bhutto had the ambition to be the first Chief Minister of newly created Province of Sindh. Provincial autonomy was conceded by the British in the Indian Act of 1935 - a niggardly, reluctant and fanciful concession to the developing agitation for self-government in India. On his failure in this election Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto stayed in the government job as a member of Bombay Public Service Commission and later became the Chief Minister of Junagarh State
  • 7. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 7 till the partition of India; - into India and Pakistan. He was thus a dejected man and lost to the politics of Sindh and India. It was Sir Shah Nawaz’s son, a young man from Harvard and Lincoln’s Inn, who was destined to be Prime Minister of Pakistan, who was coming to see me. I had heard about his talents and about his fiery speeches, here and there. He gave every impression of being a rebel and a firebrand. He was a young man of education, vigour and ebullience. He had also written against One Unit, which conspiracy was burgeoning in the minds of Ghulam Mohammad, Choudhry Mohammad Au and Ayub Khan and the coterie of king-makers of the Punjab in Gurmani, Col Malik, G. Ahmed, Saeed Hassan, Aziz Ahmed, Hafiz Abdul Majeed, S. M. Sharif, Mian Anwar Au and so many others, which led to the shooting of the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, the dismissal of the second, kicking out of the third, the poisoning of the fourth and ousting of the fifth. There were a series of causalities of politicians to prepare for the Military revolt of 1953, to start with, and the Military coup in 1958. Young Bhutto’s anti One- Unit stance was not favorably looked upon by his reactionary father, who was a devoted follower of the British, had the old habit of toeing the official line and a protégé, by long years of service, of the British. Young Bhutto had joined G. M. Sayed in the anti One-Unit movement, but under pressure from his father, had reluctantly but peacefully and calmly withdrawn from his stand. The reward of ministership in the Government of Sikandar Mirza on the 7th October, 1958 came to young Bhutto - his father being a friend of the father of Sikandar Mirza. Sikandar Mirza had a long and dubious history of patronage by the British, and he was a perfect British stooge trained in the truest British traditions of the Raj, who demonstrated his allegiance to the British crown even when Pakistan was becoming a Republic from a Dominion in the British Commonwealth. Sikandar Mirza on the eve of this change phoned Foster the British Ambassador in Runnymede, the official residence of the British Consul General and later of High Commissioner in Karachi — a piece of her majesty’s territory in Pakistan — and requested him that he and his wife would like to spend the night of the change over from the Dominion to the Republic, at the British High Commission— diplomatically the domain of Her Majesty the Queen. Young Bhutto walked across the road from Sindh Muslim Law College to the Sindh Muslim College and came outside my office door where he sought the permission of the attendant to see me. I saw him open the door in the curtain profile and in a sort of a silhouette, and I yelled out, as I always did, to the peon on the door to let him in. I had developed a loud and hoarse form of talking, and I always shouted for some body to come in instead of using the bell, electric or
  • 8. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 8 otherwise. My way of politely telling a man to go was “Asalamo Alaikum”, and this meant he was over-staying. There being no internal communication system or a loud speaker system, I could stand and address an audience of three to four thousand students without a microphone. I called for him to come in. During the course of years I could discern the demeanor of visitors and students who came to see me. I was sitting with my usual posture, just at about the closing time of the college, with my feet resting on the drawn wooden panel of my huge table with a glass top. I welcomed him with my eyes and turned in my revolving chair to see him in full view. I could see he felt a bit abashed and red, but I smiled at him and let him rest and feel easy and comfortable. I had then the horrible reputation, though not a fact, for speaking loudly and shouting my instruction to servants from every available window or door of my office. I could be easily and audibly heard from my first floor office on the footpath below, and in the body of thousands boys in open space in front of the Boy’s Common Room. I told him I was glad to see him. I had heard about him in so many praiseworthy words from senior and responsible men, and about his scholarship and progressive views, and that he had withdrawn from anti One-Unit movement on account of the strong opposition of his father. He felt a list embarrassed and red, but I comforted him with a guffaw of intimacy and said “Do not bother about this. You are young. I have seen boys of your age changing views and colors from Jama’at Islami to communism and vice versa.” This was a time when I always spoke in English, and I liked his talk. He spoke sometimes in English with Sindhi accent and intonation like his father, Allama Kazi and Dr. Daudpota. I called for tea— it must be the thirtieth cup of tea that day for me for him I did not know, but he joined me heartily and relished it. We sat down to talk for more than two hours. It had gone so much beyond sunset. I liked him. Probably he was still affected by my talkativeness and loquacity. In my usual habit I talked to him and attended to visitors and students also. I was never disturbed in the process and never lost the trend and chain of discussion. I had developed two other habits, one of talking and dictating to my different assistants and the other I had acquired the skill to order myself to sleep for any length of time I wanted, and would get up exactly in time. I had controlled my sleep. During the course of our conversation half an hour or so after he had settled and relaxed and felt welcome and comfortable and got over his shyness and reserve, he said to me in rather a hesitating and an apprehensive fashion, that he had never seen an office, of a great Principal of a large college and distinguished institution, so austere and bare but still exuding authority and command without even simple sophistications, trappings and paraphernalia of a modem furnished office else where. I smiled at his observation. Of course, I
  • 9. Bhutto the man and the Martyr, Copyright © www.bhutto.org 9 knew my office w
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